If an extraordinary Lok Sabha verdict was meant to humble the political leadership, it appears to have had just the opposite effect. The Modi government is acting as if it has actually achieved its “char sau paar” or 400 seats objective and the Congress is as if it has crossed the majority mark. The result is a renewal of hostilities at a time when Indian politics desperately needs a breather from hyper-polarised politics. The entirely avoidable confrontation over the Lok Sabha Speaker’s election is only the latest example of a lack of conciliation and consensus-building.
There are other worrying signs too. Delhi chief minister (CM) Arvind Kejriwal is still being hounded by law enforcement agencies. Just hours before his bail petition in an Enforcement Directorate case was to come up before the Supreme Court, CBI moved in to re-arrest him. A 14-year-old case against novelist Arundhati Roy has been revived and sanctioned for her prosecution given under an anti-terror law. Bulldozers continue to demolish homes. And cow vigilantes have resurfaced in Chhattisgarh: Three cattle traders were brutally killed earlier this month.
Nor should one be surprised at the utter disregard for the mandate. An integral part of the Narendra Modi power playbook is never to reveal any trace of political vulnerability, at least not in public. In 23 years of uninterrupted stints in power, both in Gandhinagar and Delhi, not once has the Prime Minister (PM) acknowledged weaknesses or errors of judgment. Which might explain why despite the diminished mandate of June 4, Modi has gone about giving the impression that nothing has materially changed. With a similar-looking Cabinet and a series of well-choreographed events at home and abroad, Modi isn’t in any mood to let up in his third term, even if he now heads a coalition arrangement. Instead, stability with continuity is the buzzword. But is it really business as usual or is this a great pretence of invincibility? Is the ruling arrangement still trapped in hubris rather than realism?
Take the NEET-UG and UGC-NET exam issues that have brought scores of affected students to the street. Typically, Modi hasn’t said a word, leaving it to education minister Dharmendra Pradhan to front up for the government. Pradhan was the education minister in the previous Modi government as well. So he can’t even act as if this is all a novel experience for him. The fact is the paper leak mess is a classic case of chickens having come home to roost. In the last seven years, more than 70 national and state-level papers have been leaked as the authorities struggle to cope with the menace. For the minister to initially be in denial mode, even blame protesting students, and then dismiss it as an aberration is to live in a parallel make-believe universe. Pradhan would have probably preferred being Odisha’s first Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) CM but for now, he must bear the cross of an examination system in deep crisis.
Take another instance of a government in denial. For 13 months now, Manipur has been caught in a cycle of violence. Rather than face up to the challenge of peace-making, the PM has chosen not to get involved, not making a single trip to the troubled state during this period. Even during a long election campaign when he held dozens of media interactions, not once did he address the Manipur situation. Instead, it has been left to home minister Amit Shah to try and restore the authority of the Indian State and end the blood-letting. Shah has held a series of high-level security review meetings on Manipur but where is the much-needed political outreach that could provide a healing touch?
Turn to an area where the Modi government prides itself: Railway infrastructure. The most recent rail accident — a collision between the Kanchenjunga Express and a goods train — once again revealed gaps in the rail safety system. The much anticipated “kavach”, the anti-collision system, still covers only a fraction of this country’s vast rail network. Like the education minister, railway minister Ashwani Vaishnaw is also a symbol of continuity in governance, with the ministry of information and broadcasting added to his existing portfolios of railways and information technology. Ironically, on the day of the tragic accident, the multi-tasking minister was also given the added responsibility of being co-incharge for the crucial Maharashtra elections. Shouldn’t the country have a full-time railway minister? And if credit-taking accompanies the flagging off of every new Vande Bharat Express, who takes responsibility when things don’t go as planned?
Truth is, a deeper governance deficit stares at a regime which is tightly controlled by a handful of people, where lines between the government and party remain blurred, where opaque decision-making leaves little space for accountability. This is where the business-as-usual approach may be subject to diminishing returns. A brute majority allowed the Modi government to proceed with unilateral action, to treat the Opposition with disdain and brand any criticism as “anti-national”. But the 2024 general elections have shown that narrative setting is no longer a Modi monopoly: A revitalised Opposition also has an effective voice and can even set the agenda at times. A putative autocrat may not change his spots but sooner or later, fantasy does catch up with reality. After more than a decade in power, living in denial is no longer a wise option.
Post-script: This weekend, the PM resumes his monthly Mann ki Baat radio address. It is, perhaps, his way of showing he isn’t changing his communication style either. Well maybe then PM Modi could address some of the troubling questions raised in this column in his Mann ki Baat, howsoever inconvenient they may appear?
Rajdeep Sardesai is senior journalist and author. The views expressed are personal
